Oeconomia fascismi

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Oeconomia fascismi ad consilia oeconomica a rectionibus fascisticis adhibita refert.

Inter rerum gestarum scriptores aliosque scholasticos ambigitur, utrum fascismo speciale consiliorum oeconomicorum genus re vera sit. David Lewis Baker systema oeconomicum in fascismo exsistere arguit, quod ab illis aliarum ideologiarum discrepet, et quod esse scire possimus propterea quod nationum fascisticarum oeconomiae qualitates communicent.[1] Payne, Paxton, Sternhell et al. tamen hoc arguerunt, nationes fascisticas non nulla similia enim communicare, constitutionem (seu organizationem) oeconomicam autem propriam, quae fascistica dici possit, non esse.[2] Feldman et Mason fascismum decertant absentia ideologiae oeconomicae cohaerentis aut cogitationis oeconomicae intentae distingui; ducum fascisticorum consilia cogitatu oeconomico logico explicari nequire.[3]

De oeconomiarum fascisticarum proprietatibus[recensere | fontem recensere]

Dirigismus oeconomicus oeconomiis fascisticis magni momenti erat,[4] quo status, bonorum productionem distributionemque gubernans, multum oeconomiam rexit. Poterat fieri ut industriae nationalizatae essent, sed saepissime non ita fiebat, cum oeconomiae fascisticae in proprietate privata et diligentia privata instituerentur, dummodo statui servirent.[5]

Fascismus sociali interactionum humanarum conspectu Darwinistico administrabatur, ita ut superiores citati sint societasque imbecillibus depurgata sit.[6] Quod ad oeconomiam spectat, haec faciebant, ut conductorum (businessmen) prosperorum commoda curae erint, dum collegia opifica et aliae classis operariae (working class) organizationes deletae sint.[7] Gaetano Salvemini rerum gestarum scriptor anno 1936 fascismo arguit civos, quippe qui tributa statui dant, inceptis privatis reddi serviles, namque "Status inceptis privatis, cum deficiunt, pecuniam, qua opus est, dat... Lucrum privatum et individuale est; dispendium autem publicum et sociale."[t 1][8] Rectiones fascisticae lucro privato studium confirmaverunt et multa negotiationibus magnis commoda obtulerunt, sed rursus postulaverunt, ut omnis eorum activitas oeconomica statús commoditati serviret.[9]

Una magna oeconomiarum fascisticarum opinio erat divitiam naturá secuturam esse, cum primum natio culturali spiritualique resuscitatione passa sit.[10] Saepe factum est ut diversi factionis fascisticae socii consiliis oeconomicis absolute adversis se favere dixerint.[11] Fascistae, potestate adsumpta, programmate oeconomico usitate adhibuerunt quocumque, quod finibus politicis aptissimum putaverunt. Regimina fascistica diuturna, puta illud Beniti Mussolini in Italia, politicam oeconomicam suam de tempore in tempus aspere commutaverunt. Stanley Payne arguit fascistas fortasse proprietatis privatae institutum defendisse, quod "libertati autonomiaeque personae individualis necessarium"[t 2] esset, sed nihilo minus, metam celebram fascistarum deletionem fuisse autonomiae aut exsistentiae capitalismi pervulgati.[12]

Fascistae et socialismo inter nationes facto et capitalismo liberali adversabantur, sententias suas dicens "Tertiam Viam" esse: alternatam viam oeconomicam realisticam, quae neque capitalismus laissez-faire neque communismus fuisset.[13] Corporatismo et classium collaborationi favebant. Inaequalitatem classesque sociales societati salutares credebant, contra sententias socialisticas;[14] et contra sententias capitalistarum liberalium, fascistae statui credebant in interactiones inter classes factas interveniendum esse.[15]

Fascistae plerumque commercium externum deterrebant aut omnino desistebant, eo consilio, quod nimis commercii inter nationes facti oeconomiam nationalem de capitali internationali dependentem redderet, et ergo oeconomicis aliarum nationum sanctionibus? vulnerabilem. Autonomia oeconomica, id est autarcia, magni momenti meta plerarumque rectionum fascisticarum erat.[16]

Fascismus admodum militaristicus erat, ita ut fascistae saepe expensa militaria multum augerent.

Notae[recensere | fontem recensere]

  1. Baker
  2. Payne; Paxton, Sternhell, et al.
  3. Daniel Woodley, Fascism and Political Theory, Routlede, 2010, ISBN 978-0-415-47354-5, p.161
  4. Ivan T. Berend, An Economic History of Twentieth-Century Europe, Cambridge University Press, 2006, p. 93
  5. James A. Gregor, The Search for Neofascism: The Use and Abuse of Social Science, Cambridge University Press, 2006, p. 7
  6. Alexander J. De Grand, Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, Routledge, 1995. pp. 47
  7. Alexander J. De Grand, Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, Routledge, 1995. pp. 48-51
  8. Salvemini, Gaetano. Under the Axe of Fascism 1936.
  9. Alexander J. De Grand, Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, Routledge, 1995. pp. 57
  10. William G. Welk, Fascist Economic Policy, Harvard University Press, 1938. pp. 38-39
  11. Henry A. Turner, "German Big Business and the Rise of Hitler", 1985, pp. 61-68
  12. Payne, Stanley (1996). A History of Fascism. Routledge. ISBN 1-85728-595-6 p.10
  13. Philip Morgan, Fascism in Europe, 1919-1945, New York Tayolor & Francis 2003, p. 168.
  14. The Doctrine of Fascism. Romae: Istituto Giovanni Treccani. 1932  "[Fascism] affirms the irremediable, fruitful and beneficent inequality of men"
  15. Calvin B. Hoover, The Paths of Economic Change: Contrasting Tendencies in the Modern World, The American Economic Review, Vol. 25, No. 1, Supplement, Papers and Proceedings of the Forty-seventh Annual Meeting of the American Economic Association. (March, 1935), pp. 13-20.
  16. Alexander J. De Grand, Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, Routledge, 1995. pp. 60-61

Textus Latine conversus[recensere | fontem recensere]

  1. the State pays for the blunders of private enterprise... Profit is private and individual. Loss is public and social."
  2. "inherent to the freedom and spontaneity of the individual personality"

Vide etiam[recensere | fontem recensere]

Bibliographia[recensere | fontem recensere]

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